Brendan Green is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Cincinnati. He received his Ph.D. from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where his dissertation, Two Concepts of Liberty: American Grand Strategy and the Liberal Tradition, was chaired by Barry Posen. He is editor and a coauthor, with Harvey Sapolsky and Benjamin Friedman, of “U.S. Military Innovation Since the Cold War: Creation Without Destruction” (Routledge 2009). He has been selected for several honors and awards, including a Miller Center Fellowship in American Politics, Foreign Policy, and World Politics at the University of Virginia and a Belfer Center Fellowship in International Security Policy at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. His interests include: U.S. foreign policy, liberalism and world politics, military doctrine, the role of ideas in international politics, and diplomatic and military history.
Two Concepts of Liberty: American Grand Strategy and the Liberal Tradition
Brendan Green’s dissertation, “Two Concepts of Liberty: American Grand Strategy and the Liberal Tradition,” synthesized and added to scholarly literature that explores the effect of liberal ideology on political life in America and liberalism’s influence on American foreign policy traditions. Green argued that differing visions of the concept of liberty led to the splintering of American liberal thought. He developed a theory of liberalism’s effects on foreign policy and tested it on American Grand Strategy toward Europe in the 20th century, arguing that the early 20th century and inter-war period featured a back and forth contest between positive and negative versions of liberalism, resulting in the American intervention in World War I, followed by two decades of isolation. After World War II, Green contended, a still relevant conception of negative liberty among American foreign policy elites shaped America’s search for an exit from Europe because it was perceived to be less costly; the expansion of the state and the mobilization of resources for foreign policy was perceived to interfere with liberty at home. He argued that by the early 1960’s, positive liberty had achieved widespread acceptance among the foreign policy elite, causing a switch to a firm commitment in Europe. Not only was there no longer any perceived trade-off with liberty at home, but the positive conception of liberty implied a need to reinforce and spread market democracy abroad - key prerequisites of achieving a positive notion of political freedom. This led to a continued European commitment and its expansion, through peaceful and warlike means, after the Cold War.